Archduke Wilhelm of Austria

Biography

Background and early life

Archduke Wilhelm was the youngest son of Archduke Karl Stephan and Archduchess Maria Theresia, Princess of Tuscany. He was born on the family estate on the island of Lošinj in the Austrian Littoral (present-day Croatia). During his arrest by Soviet authorities, he stated that his place of birth was the city of Pola (then in Italy, now Pula, Croatia). He also declared his social status as a "landowner" (pomeshchik) and stated that he was unemployed. However, this was inaccurate, as he was in fact a businessman and entrepreneur at the time of his arrest.

Wilhelm was raised on his family's estate in the city of Saybusch, in the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria (present-day Żywiec, Poland). His father was a Polish patriot who regarded the Ukrainian population as inferior. In line with the rise of 19th-century nationalism, Karl Stephan decided that his branch of the Habsburg family would adopt a Polish identity, combining loyalty to the Habsburg dynasty with loyalty to Poland. He ensured that his children learned Polish from an early age and sought to instil in them a sense of Polish patriotism. His eldest son, Karl-Albrecht, became a Polish officer and refused to renounce his Polish allegiance. Karl Stephan's two younger daughters married into the Polish noble families of Radziwiłł and Czartoryski.

Wilhelm, the youngest child, rebelled and came to identify with the Poles' rivals, the Ukrainians. As a boy, he was taught that Ukrainians were bandits and a tribe of robbers. In 1912, at the age of 17, Wilhelm decided to see this "mysterious" people firsthand. He travelled incognito by train to Worochta (now Vorokhta), and visited a number of Hutsul villages. Finding no evidence of banditry, he developed a deep fascination with Ukrainian culture, which he retained for the rest of his life.

His interest in the relatively impoverished Ukrainian people earned him the nickname "the Red Prince". Eventually, his family came to accept and even support this interest. According to historian Timothy D. Snyder, Wilhelm was groomed by the Habsburgs to assume a leadership role among the Ukrainian people, in a manner akin to the role his father and elder brother were expected to play among the Habsburgs' Polish subjects.

World War I

At the outbreak of World War I, Wilhelm was studying at the Vienna War College. Upon graduating in 1915, he began his military service on the front lines as part of a company in the 13th Galicia Lancer (Ulan) Regiment. The regiment, based around Solotschiw, was largely composed of Ukrainian soldiers. While serving, Wilhelm began reading works by Ukrainian authors such as Mykhailo Hrushevsky, Ivan Franko, and Taras Shevchenko. His soldiers gifted him a traditional Ukrainian embroidered shirt, or vyshyvanka, which he wore beneath his uniform. He asked his men to address him as "Vasyl", and the embroidered shirt earned him the nickname "Vyshyvanyi".

During this period, Wilhelm often defended Galician Ukrainians from suspicion and arrest by the predominantly Polish local administration, which questioned their loyalty to Austria-Hungary.

In 1916, Wilhelm returned from the front upon turning 21, the age at which male members of the House of Habsburg automatically became deputies in the upper house of the Austrian Parliament. In Parliament, he collaborated closely with Ukrainian deputies and with Metropolitan Archbishop Andrey Sheptytsky. He also acted as a liaison between Ukrainian community leaders and Emperor Charles I, a personal acquaintance from childhood, and was able to make an official visit to the Emperor in early 1917.

Wilhelm supported the idea of resolving the "Ukrainian question" through the creation of an autonomous Grand Duchy of Ukraine within the Habsburg monarchy (see United States of Greater Austria). This proposed duchy would include Eastern Galicia and Bukovina, as well as Ukrainian territories then part of the Russian Empire, which would need to be reconquered.

According to some historians, including Timothy D. Snyder, Wilhelm saw himself as a suitable candidate to lead such a duchy, as he was a member of the ruling dynasty, had learned the language, and had gained respect among Ukrainians. This mirrored the situation in 1916 when Wilhelm's father, Archduke Karl Stephan, was considered for the Polish throne following the restoration of the Kingdom of Poland. However, other historians argue that Wilhelm, or "Vasyl Vyshyvanyi", did not personally aspire to a throne and later stated that he would only accept a leadership role in Ukraine if it were the will of the majority of the population.

Interwar period

In an interview published in a Viennese newspaper in January 1921, Wilhelm publicly criticised Poland, condemning the pogroms in Lwów as actions unthinkable in a civilised country, and referring to Poland and Poles as dishonourable. This statement resulted in a permanent public estrangement between Wilhelm and his father, Archduke Karl Stephan. Formally, Wilhelm remained on the payroll of the Ukrainian Army as a colonel for a short period, until the Austrian press reported his anti-Polish remarks. Following this, the Ukrainian government-in-exile, then temporarily based in Poland, officially dismissed him from his post.

In the same year, Wilhelm published a volume of poetry in Ukrainian titled Mynayut Dni (Минають дні, The Days Pass).

Among Ukrainian political émigrés, there remained a belief that the Soviet regime could still be overthrown. In Vienna, Wilhelm became involved with pro-Ukrainian monarchist circles who viewed him as a potential figurehead, though no concrete outcomes resulted from these efforts.

Under the laws of the newly established Republic of Austria, members of the former Habsburg dynasty could only acquire citizenship and residency by formally renouncing all claims to rule. Wilhelm refused to do so and thus lived in Vienna without legal status. In 1922, he managed to obtain a blank Austrian passport, into which he entered his new identity as "Vasyl Vyshyvanyi". Under this name, he left Austria for Spain, hoping—ultimately in vain—to secure financial support for his Ukrainian aspirations from his cousin, King Alfonso XIII. When Spain became a republic in 1931, he relocated to Paris.

Following the death of his father in 1933, Wilhelm's brothers, who had inherited a brewery and estates in Żywiec, Poland, settled his debts and provided him with a monthly stipend.

In Paris, Vyshyvanyi reconnected with members of the Ukrainian diaspora. He came into contact with members of the newly established Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and met twice with its leader, Yevhen Konovalets. The OUN saw Wilhelm as a possible conduit for securing new sources of financial support.

World War II, French Resistance, and relations with the Banderites

The exact moment when Wilhelm Habsburg turned against the Nazis remains unclear. According to historian Timothy D. Snyder, by early 1942 he may have already been engaged in intelligence activities, potentially on behalf of the British Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), which supported anti-Nazi resistance movements across Europe. Eventually, he worked as an agent for the French Resistance, gathering intelligence not only against Nazi Germany but later also against the Soviet Union.

In 1944, Wilhelm made the acquaintance of a French national named Paul Maas—alternatively recorded in documents as Masse—although it is possible that this name was a pseudonym. Maas had been deported by German authorities from France to Vienna, where he was forced to work in a military aviation factory designing blueprints. Maas maintained connections with either British intelligence, the French Resistance, or both. He passed copies of aircraft blueprints to his handlers and invited Wilhelm to collaborate with him in the resistance effort. Owing to his social standing and connections with German officers, Wilhelm was able to provide valuable intelligence, including information on troop movements and military production in Austria. During later interrogations, Wilhelm claimed that his motivation was driven purely by hatred of Nazism.

During the war, Wilhelm also befriended Roman Novosad, a Ukrainian student at the Vienna Music Academy. Novosad lived nearby, knew Maas, and assisted with some of his requests. In 1944, through Novosad, Wilhelm learned of a woman known as Lidia Tulchyn—real name Hanna Prokopych—who served as a liaison for the Bandera faction of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B). As the war neared its end, the Ukrainian nationalist movement increasingly sought alliances with the Western powers, who were concerned about Soviet expansion following the war. Wilhelm decided to serve as an intermediary between the OUN and the network connected to Maas.

Wilhelm introduced Lidia to Maas, who agreed to cooperate with the Ukrainian nationalists and assigned her an initial task: locating German documents for a downed British pilot in Austria. Lidia successfully completed the assignment. Subsequently, she informed Wilhelm that a senior figure from the OUN had arrived in Vienna. Wilhelm met the man—introduced as Dmytro-Volodymyr—at Novosad's flat and later introduced him to Maas. The individual was, in fact, Myroslav Prokop, a leader of both the OUN and the Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council (UHVR).

Arrest

In March 1947, at his apartment in the American occupation zone of Vienna, Vasyl Kachorovsky reportedly celebrated his birthday too loudly, prompting neighbours to call the police. The Austrian law enforcement officers subsequently handed him over to the Soviet authorities. The Counter-Intelligence Department (SMERSH) of the Ministry of State Security (MGB), part of the Central Group of Forces stationed in Austria, had already taken an interest in Kachorovsky. Several months earlier, they had attempted to detain him, though he managed to resist arrest and escape.

Following Kachorovsky's interrogation, the MGB became aware of Roman Novosad and Vasyl Vyshyvanyi. The latter had evidently already been under Soviet surveillance. After several months of pursuit, Soviet agents first detained Novosad on 14 June, followed by Wilhelm (Vyshyvanyi) on 26 August. According to historian Timothy Snyder, Kachorovsky was subsequently executed, though the source of this information is unclear.

Novosad and Wilhelm were held and interrogated at the MGB prison in Baden bei Wien. A joint criminal case was opened against both men, which remains preserved in the archives in Kyiv. Novosad later recalled that Wilhelm was treated "quite properly" by the Soviet authorities, suggesting he was not subjected to torture. Regarding his own treatment, Novosad did not provide any details. Wilhelm was reportedly given his own food plate, unlike other prisoners who were made to share.

During his imprisonment, Wilhelm was asked in which language he preferred to give testimony; he stated he could do so in Ukrainian. However, the official protocols were nonetheless written in Russian. Several early protocols concluded with the phrase, "The protocol is written down from my words correctly. It was read to me in comprehensible Russian language," although this was later amended from "Russian" to "Ukrainian". Novosad, who was able to testify in both Russian and Ukrainian, had his statements recorded in Russian.

The investigators were particularly interested in Wilhelm's earlier political activities and his contacts during the First Liberation War, including with Petro Bolbochan, Symon Petliura, and Pavlo Skoropadskyi. However, their main focus was his cooperation with Paul Maas, Jean Pélissier, and Lidia Tulchyn. Wilhelm sought to downplay his involvement in the Ukrainian revolution, for example, stating that he had served only as an interpreter in Kamianets-Podilskyi during the time of the Directorate in 1919. In early protocols, he also claimed that the meeting near Innsbruck had not been related to establishing contacts between the French and the OUN, but rather concerned the fate of Ukrainian displaced persons. However, as the interrogation progressed—particularly following Novosad's testimony—a clearer picture of events emerged.

Indictment

Wilhelm Habsburg-Lothringen was charged with the following in his indictment:

During World War I, he allegedly "carried out the aggressive plans of the Austro-Hungarian ruling circles and prepared to become the hetman of Ukraine".

He fought against the Soviet Army in 1918 (although in reality it was the Red Army).

He served under Symon Petliura.

He engaged in nationalist activities while in exile.

In 1944, he was allegedly recruited by British intelligence and carried out its tasks (notably, the indictment does not mention Wilhelm's role in establishing contacts between Maas and the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), only with German contacts).

In 1945, he was allegedly an agent of the French intelligence service, recruited agents, and organised negotiations with the OUN and the Austrian People's Party.

Historian Timothy Snyder notes that "Soviet legislation was retroactive and extraterritorial, stretching for decades before the formation of the Soviet Union and across lands over which Moscow never had sovereignty".

The charges against Roman Novosad were less extensive. They included alleged membership in the nationalist organisation Sich (in reality, a society of Ukrainian students in Vienna established in 1868), connections with Wilhelm and the OUN, and alleged cooperation with British and French intelligence services.

The indictment referenced articles from two separate criminal codes: the Penal Code of the Russian SFSR, applied by Soviet authorities in Vienna, and the Penal Code of the Ukrainian SSR, applied in Kyiv. Roman was charged with espionage and participation in a counter-revolutionary organisation; Wilhelm faced the same charges, along with "armed uprising or invasion for counter-revolutionary purposes on Soviet territory". These were various sections of the same "counter-revolutionary" articles—Article 54 in the Ukrainian Penal Code and Article 58 in the Russian version.

Rehabilitation

During the period of perestroika in 1989, the Office of the Military Prosecutor of the Soviet Union fully rehabilitated both Wilhelm Habsburg and Roman Novosad. Novosad later became the author of the first publication about Wilhelm Habsburg in independent Ukraine; in 1992, his recollections were published in the magazine Ukrayina. By that time, the name of the Archduke had largely been forgotten.

In 1994, the declassified case files of Wilhelm and Novosad were transferred from the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) Archive to the Central State Archive of Public Associations of Ukraine. In 2005, all personal documents and photographs related to Wilhelm, which had been preserved in his dossier, were handed over to Wilhelm's nephew and German citizen, Leo Habsburg-Lothringen, via the German Ambassador to Ukraine, Dietmar Stüdemann. Copies of the original documents were retained in the archive.